8
October 2001
1. "Iraq: Kurdistan Developing Attributes
Of Statehood", veteran Middeast correspondent David Hirst,
who reports for the British newspaper "The Guardian," has
been a frequent visitor to northern Iraq. He recently came to Radio
Free Europe/Radio Liberty in Prague to share some of his impressions
of that region. Deputy Director of RFE/RL's Radio Free Iraq Service
Kamran Al-Karadaghi interviewed Hirst and asked his assessment of
northern Iraq's economy, politics, and future.
2. "General Kivrikoglu: Kurdish Broadcasting
Not Allowed", warnings from General Kivrikoglu for the
West especially Germany and Greece
3. "With a Allah's permission the rebellion will
start", a skilful game of hide-and-seek could bring fundamentalist
Tayyip Erdogan to power in Turkey
4. "Turkish police blame Europe for sheltering
terrorists", the Turkish police have submitted names
and countries to support the claim that many terrorists are sheltered
by various countries, most of them in Europe.
5. "Natural Union member", Cyprus
is in the perfect position for the next round of EU enlargements.
6. "Athens and combating terrorism",
the combat against terrorism and the admittance of the Greek Cypriot
Administration into the EU.
1. - Kurdish Observer -"Iraq: Kurdistan Developing Attributes
Of Statehood":
PRAGUE / by Charles Recknagel and Kamran Al-Karadaghi
Veteran Mideast correspondent David Hirst, who reports for the British
newspaper "The Guardian," has been a frequent visitor to
northern Iraq. He recently came to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
in Prague to share some of his impressions of that region. Deputy
Director of RFE/RL's Radio Free Iraq Service Kamran Al-Karadaghi interviewed
Hirst and asked his assessment of northern Iraq's economy, politics,
and future.
Radio Free Iraq Service Deputy Director Kamran Al-Karadaghi asked
Hirst what he sees as the most remarkable aspect of northern Iraq,
which is mostly populated by ethnic Kurds and has been outside of
Baghdad's control since the end of the 1991 Gulf War.
Hirst said he is most struck by the ways in which northern Iraq,
or Iraqi Kurdistan, is developing functioning political institutions
to address its own regional needs and problems: "Kurdistan, to
my mind, is developing the attributes of statehood. This is entirely
to be expected in the conditions that we have in Iraq. After all,
it's now 10 years [since] this entity came into being, this enlarged
safe haven, which was really the fruit of a sort of cataclysmic accident,
namely [Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's] folly and stupidity in invading
Kuwait and the consequences which that had."
He continues: "[And] being an accident, it was also supposed
to have been provisional. Theoretically, the Kurds are still wedded
to the notion of rejoining Iraq and the federal regime, but it is
clear that the longer this situation goes on, the more the Kurds build,
physically, psychologically, culturally, educationally, and I think
the more difficult it is going to be for this entity to be re-integrated
into [a] reconstructed Iraq."
Hirst observes that Iraqi Kurd leaders and ordinary people universally
say that they are not aiming to establish a state. But at the same
time, they say a state is their right and historical dream, and that
one day they may accomplish it.
He says that on a recent visit he saw many signs of an increasing
sense of self-sufficiency in the region. He cites the example of an
oil refinery he visited near Sulaymaniyah: "I visited an oil
refinery there which had been constructed entirely by Kurdish technicians
without any outside support or help, entirely from ingredients which
were taken from non-oil installations, like a sugar factory, a Coca-Cola
factory, a cement factory, things which the Iranians had left behind
from the [1980-88 Iraq-Iran] war years, even the Iraqi mine fields,
where they constructed bombs to blow up and perforate exploration
wells."
He said he also was struck by a graduation ceremony for university
graduates in Argil. And, in that same city, he observed that there
was not a single Arabic-language sign. He says that all these suggested
to him that a sense of national identity is being consolidated. Al-Karadaghi
asked Hirst if he also detected any insecurity among the Kurds over
the fact that, despite their increasing self-sufficiency, their situation
could change at a moment's notice should they be returned under Baghdad's
control. That could happen either forcefully by Saddam's regime or
through some larger political settlement to the Iraq crisis. Hirst
replied: "Yes, this is a very important factor in Kurdish psychology,
the deep sense of insecurity which co-exists with what is an improved
[economic] situation, compared with [10] years ago. But this sense
of existential insecurity is deep-rooted and it focuses mainly on
Saddam, of course, but not entirely, because Saddam is only the most
obvious and most brutal and most dangerous enemy. All the regional
states are in a way complicit with Saddam, not least, of course, Turkey,
the most important one. Kurdish feelings of hostility toward Turkey
run very deep, they are very suspicious."
Our correspondent also asked Hirst how he regards the rivalry between
the two Iraqi-Kurd factions that control northern Iraq. The two factions,
the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdish Democratic
Party (KDP), have frequently fought but in recent years have improved
ties. Hirst said that -- apart from the military conflicts -- the
competition between the two rivals may have brought some beneficial
economic and political results: "I heard [it] said a number of
times, that in a curious way this separation of administrations has
been beneficial. It's made each administration more efficient, more
honest than it would otherwise have been. And they compete for public
support. [For] example, they recently had municipal elections which
people on both sides said were elections which were honest and fair."
But Hirst says there is also a great danger for the Kurds in the
factions' political division, and that is disunity. "If there
ever comes a situation where the Iraqi Kurds have to fight for their
place in a post-Saddam order, they must be in as strong a position
as possible to do so. And if they are divided when that moment comes
it will gravely weaken their bargaining power vis-a-vis Iraq and the
rest of the world."
As a final question, our correspondent asked what relations Hirst
observed between the two Kurdish factions and Iraqi Arab groups that
are in opposition to Saddam's regime. Hirst said: "I think that
both Kurdish [faction] leaderships are insistent that while they want
to overthrow Saddam and still see their future as one within a re-constituted
Iraq, they are not prepared to go along with any enterprise with other
opposition groups. And that inevitably means, in fact, not just Iraqi
opposition groups but the international community and particularly
the United States." He continues: "They are not prepared
to go along with that unless they have more-or-less cast-iron guarantees
that it will come to a definitive conclusion, the overthrow of Saddam.
And also unless they have guarantees about their future in this newly
constituted Iraq. The result of that is that at the moment they are
not ready to do anything because they don't see any convincing guarantees
that any such enterprise is really even seriously underway, let alone
any guarantees about its outcome. So, they are wedded to the status
quo for the time being and the foreseeable future."
2. - Milliyet - "General Kivrikoglu: Kurdish Broadcasting
Not Allowed":
Warnings from General Kivrikoglu for the West especially
Germany and Greece
by Fikret Bila
Most of the questions Chief of Staff General Kivrikoglu was asked had
to do with the methods the United States will use to intervene in Afghanistan
and to fight terrorism. General Kivrikoglu had this warning for the
West, especially Germany and Greece: "We are the most experienced
in the struggle with terrorism. We developed a national security strategy
against terrorism during this time. Now the world is struggling with
this concept. However, it is necessary that the world not be two-faced
in the struggle with terrorism. The definition of terrorism is very
important.
This definition must not set a double standard." After giving this
warning the TGS chief gave the following examples: "It is not enough
to struggle with the terrorists alone. It is necessary to struggle with
the elements that support them as well.
For example, associations. There are hundreds of associations in Germany
today that are known to be PKK sympathizers, are known to support this
organization. The PKK is sheltered, trained, and armed thanks to these
seemingly civil organizations. They are always talking about religious
terrorism in Germany, but never speak of any other kind of terrorism.
Certain groups in Greece are trying to make the Turkish Armed Forces
out to be terrorists. But what is going on at the Lavrion Camp in Greece?
PKK terrorists are still being trained. Who gave Abdullah Ocalan a passport
when he left Syria? Who permitted him to enter their country? Which
embassy in Kenya allowed him to stay in the residence? These are known
facts." General Kivrikoglu then offered the following evaluation:
"Certainly, we must fight terrorism. But the struggle must be conducted
also with states that use terror and terrorist organizations to achieve
certain goals. And states that do will wind up in the same situation
as the Terrorists. We know examples of this." Chief of Staff General
Kivrikoglu said that certain groups are trying to take advantage of
recent events to denigrate northern Iraq. He said there is an effort
to include northern Iraq in the scope of the intervention the United
States will carry out, and it is being done intentionally.
Kurdish-Language Broadcasts
General Kivrikoglu said, in answer to questions about the constitutional
amendments, that he does not share the view that the amendments will
permit Kurdish-language broadcasts.
He said: "The Constitution is changing, but I believe this idea
is blocked by provisions of the RTUK Law. The RTUK Law states that the
broadcast language is Turkish. It would be wrong to think that Kurdish
broadcasts would be permitted as long as these provisions exist.
There is also a provision in article 42 of the Constitution." So
the results that emerged from General Kivrikoglu's and the commanders'
comments is that a double standard should not be applied in the world-wide
struggle against terrorism and that Turkey's expertise and suggestions
should be heeded.
3. - Frankfurter Rundschau - "With a Allah's
permission the rebellion will start":
Skilful game of hide-and-seek could bring fundamentalist Tayyip Erdogan
to power in Turkey
ISTANBUL / by Gerd Hoehler
"Yesterday was yesterday, today is today," was what seven-time
Turkish prime minister Suleyman Demirel used to say when asked about
the numerous changes in policy over the course of his 40-year political
career.
"Times change, and I change with them," says Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, leader of the Islamist AK Partisi (Justice and Development
Party), somewhat more obligingly.
Demirel was worshipped by many Turks as "baba",
as a father figure. Erdogan would like to inherit this role from him.
His goal seems close enough to touch: The latest opinion polls show
the AK Partisi in the lead.
Just how long the ruling three-party coalition, led by
the aged Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, can stay in power in the face
of Turkey's economic crisis is uncertain. Economy Minister Kemal Dervis's
promises to get the economy moving again at the latest by the fall have
not panned out.
Instead, Turkey is sliding into its worst recession since 1945.
Still hailed as a "saviour" last spring, Dervis's
star is on the decline. He can't perform any miracles either, the Turks
are noticing. The calls for a change of power are growing louder.
Erdogan is counting on new elections being held in the
spring, two years before the current legislative period is due to end.
"We think the AK will win and will name the next prime minister,"
Erdogan says.
A different matter altogether, however, is whether the
military - which sees itself as the guardian of the country's secular
constitutional order - is going to let the Islamists do as they please.
Although Erdogan is sounding moderate tones, many observers sense a
ploy. They believe that, once in power, he will do everything he can
to turn Turkey into a theocracy.
For the time being, he is courting the victims of the economic crisis:
the more than 600,000 people who have lost their jobs since February;
the uprooted rural poor living in impoverished urban neighbourhoods;
the innumerable small business owners and tradesmen now facing ruin;
and that millions-strong legion of workers earning the lowest wages
who have to get by on the equivalent of less than 90 dollars a month.
"The people of this wonderful country do not deserve poverty and
hunger, to beg before the doors of international organisations,"
Erdogan fires up his fellow countrymen. That is balm on the wounds that
Turkey's economic crisis has also inflicted on many Turks' sense of
self-worth.
Many people view the reform programme former World Bank vice-president
Dervis is trying to apply as a western dictate: a humiliation to the
proud Turks. The populist Erdogan calculatedly exploits this. He also
presents himself as Mr. Clean and vows to take on corruption and cronyism
- thereby speaking from the bottom of many Turks' hearts.
By contrast, Erdogan intentionally steers clear of religious issues.
Should women be allowed to wear the Islamic headscarf in universities
and government offices, which is banned at present? Erdogan is evasive.
His wife and daughter, however, only appear in public fully covered.
Erdogan maintains that religion plays no greater role in his party than
in the Christian Democratic parties of Europe. "We welcome all
Turks," he says, "whether right or left, devout or not."
He has no complaints about Turkey's membership of NATO, and says he
considers Turkey's ambition to join the EU a "necessary step".
After the terrorist attacks in the US he hastened to convey his sympathy
to "our American friends".
The man knows what people expect from him. Two Islamist parties were
banned in Turkey over the past three years as unconstitutional.
Erdogan was a member of both of them, and would like to spare himself
another trial. It is wrong, he says, to call the AK Party Islamist.
"I am not an Islamist," he says, "just an observant Muslim
and that's my own business." Erdogan hails from a poor family.
His father Ahmet, a sailor, sent his son to an "imam hatip":
a theological high school that trains imams, men who lead Muslims in
prayers. His passion for football earned him the nickname "Imam
Beckenbauer" during his time there.
He had to turn down an offer to play for first-division Fenerbahce because
playing soccer did not fit in with the wishes of his strict father.
Instead of onto the playing field, Erdogan's path led him to the National
Salvation Party and later, after it was banned, to the Welfare Party
(RP). In 1994, he was elected mayor of Istanbul on the RP's ticket.
Even his critics acknowledge Erdogan's energetic policies in Istanbul.
Today, however, few of his friends seem to want to remember Erdogan's
attempts to ban ballet, classical music and western painting from the
capital; to mandate separate schoolbuses for boys and girls; and to
strictly control the sale of alcohol.
Erdogan has changed, they say reassuringly. He is doing "takiye,"
warn others. That's what devout Muslims call it when a Muslim obscures
his true aims to non-believers - a practice Islam not only allows but
prescribes.
Erdogan himself does not like being reminded of his past, like when
he propagated the idea of "a great Islamic triumph in future"
at party congresses, or when he called the UN and NATO "lackeys
of the USA".
Even more embarrassing to him right now has got to be a videotape of
a speech he gave to party members in 1995. "The world's 1.5 billion
Muslims are waiting for the Turkish people to rise up," Erdogan
told his jubilant supporters. "We will rise. With Allah's permission,
the rebellion will start!" Thanks to that appearance, Erdogan is
now under criminal investigation. He was already sentenced to ten months
in jail and banned for life from political activity in 1998 for his
fiery fundamentalist fulminations. Whether the ban will hold - if Erdogan
will be able to run for a seat in Grand National Assembly at all - is
debatable.
Many Turks are not bothered by that, nor do they care about their idol's
past. Yet the man they are pinning their hopes on is considered a complete
novice when it comes to economic issues and little better on foreign
policy. Erdogan, 48, speaks no foreign language and his party has yet
to produce a cohesive programme.
The fact that AK is nonetheless the voters' current favourite is above
all an indication of the Turks' dissatisfaction with the established
parties. The most recent poll shows that, whereas the AK Partisi has
the support of 20.1 per cent of voters, the three ruling parties combined
are favoured by a meagre 11.7 per cent of the electorate.
Theoretically at least, the absurd possibility exists that Erdogan's
Justice and Development Party could end up coming away with all of the
parliamentary mandates, to govern unopposed. No wonder the ruling parties
are currently hard at work on an amendment to Turkey's electoral law
that has been dragging on for years.
4. - Turkish Daily News -"Turkish police blame
Europe for sheltering terrorists":
The Turkish police have submitted names and countries to support the
claim that many terrorists are sheltered by various countries, most
of them in Europe.
According to the data submitted by the Interpol Office of the Turkish
security forces, 214 people are sought by Interpol on accusations of
involvement in terrorist acts in Turkey. Some 71 of these alleged terrorists
are sought with a "diffusion" method, 31 by "direct demand,"
and 112 with "red bulletins."
Furthermore, the Anti-Terrorism Office reminded that Dursun Karatas,
the leader of the Revolutionary DHKP-C, which took responsibility for
the recent suicide bombing in Istanbul, which led to the death of two
police and a civilian; has been released after caught by the French
police. The intelligence units say Karatas and his girlfriend Zerrin
Sari has been recently seen in Holland. Moreover, it has been alleged,
suffering from cancer, Karatas is treated in the best hospitals of Europe.
The Anti-Terror Office says at least 10 other names from the leading
squad of DHKP-C.
Ismail Akkol, who is among the suspects of the murder of businessman
Ozdemir Sabanci, has been seen in Greece the last months, according
to the police. The police also recalled the decision of Belgium just
after the suicidal hijackings in the United States to try Fehriye Erdal.
Ibrahim Bingol, one of the prominent Revolutionary Left (Dev-Sol) members
is still somewhere in Europe, said the police sources. Ibrahim Bingol
has escaped the prison after having been captured in Ankara as the head
suspect of Retired General Hulusi Sayin and Ismail Selen as well as
Dr. Musa Duman.
Extremist Islamists in the list, PKK in the top
Muhammed Metin Kaplan, the son of Cemalettin Kaplan, also known as the
'Black Voice', who took over his father's position to establish a Khalifat
State, is still in prison in Germany. Turkish authorities applied Germany
for the return of Kaplan, to try him with several charges including
planning a suicidal plane attack to Anitkabir. Muhammed Kaplan has been
sentenced to four year prison by Dusseldorf Higher Regional Court, because
of provocation in two separate incidents.
The list is not limited with Europe. It is claimed by the security forces
that Oguz Demir, one of the Jerusalem Army leaders, who is among the
head suspects of the assassinations of journalist Ugur Mumcu, and three
other prominent secular figures, Prof. Ahmet Taner Kislali, and Assistant
Prof. Bahriye Ucok and Prof. Muammer Aksoy, fled to Iran just before
the 'Hope Operation' against the organization.
However, the top of the list belongs to PKK. 54 PKK members, almost
all of them, is sought by Interpol level. One of the top level figures
of PKK, Murat Karayilan, is supposed to reside in Holland nowadays,
said the intelligence units, while another PKK leader, Riza Altun in
France.
Security Forces Directorate Vice-President and Spokesman Feyzullah Arslan
harshly criticizes Europe, saying the free shelter of these terrorists
in Europe contradicts with the recent NATO decision to act together
against terrorism.
Arslan stated that terror cannot be problem of one particular country.
"Terror is the enemy of the humanity, therefore the problem of
all peoples and states." said Feyzullah Arslan. "My terrorist
cannot be considered innocent by you."
Police Spokesman also noted that terrorism is an international crime.
Turkey's sufferings from terror have been brought into agenda in the
last Interpol General Assembly, and the return of the terrorists in
Europe has been demanded.
Arslan warned the European countries as well:'The terrorist that you
shelter may well turn against you somewhere, sometime.'
5. - The Times -"Natural Union member":
Cyprus is in the perfect position for the next round
of EU enlargements
NIKOSIA
If evidence were needed of how economically confident the Greek Cypriots
feel as they prepare to join the European Union, just take a stroll
down Stasikratous Street, Nicosia's equivalent of Kensington High Street.
Plush boutiques are stocked with the latest European and American fashions;
there's a Toni & Guy; and, parked outside a fashionably minimalist
café, several luxury convertibles, some of them sporting bumper
stickers of the EU flag.
Cyprus, in other words, is unlikely to be a burden on the EU's coffers.
"On the contrary, it could end up as a net contributor," says
Donato Chiarini, the head of the EU delegation in Nicosia.
In little more than a generation, Cyprus has been transformed from a
colonial backwater dependent on agriculture into a booming tourist destination
and burgeoning financial and business centre. "We are at the crossroads
of three continents, the most eastern European country, and in the heart
of the Middle East," says George Paraskevaides, a co-founder of
J&P, one of the biggest construction companies in the world.
In 1960, when Cyprus won independence from Britain, agriculture contributed
about 20 per cent of gross domestic product. In 2000, the agricultural
contribution shrank to just 3.5 per cent, while services now account
for 75.5 per cent of the GDP.
So dynamic are some Cypriot businesses that they are finding the local
market too small for their ambitions.
The Cyprus Telecommunications Authority, Cyta, will face internal competition
as the sector deregulates in preparation for EU accession, but it already
has its sights beyond the island's shores. "We want to expand our
international operations, either through direct entrance into new markets
or via partnerships," says Andreas Ioannou, a marketing officer
in international commercial services at Cyta.
Similarly, some of the biggest of the island's nine commercial banks,
such as Bank of Cyprus and Cyprus Popular Bank, are expanding abroad.
Bank of Cyprus, which has 42 per cent of the local market, had a network
of 30 branches in Greece at the beginning of this year. It expects to
double that figure by the end of the year. "The target is to have
120 branches in Greece by 2004, with 5 per cent of its market share,"
says Yiannis Kypri, a senior official at the bank.
Cyprus Airways, the national carrier, is renewing and increasing its
fleet of 12 aircraft to 16 by 2003 and is also expanding its operations
in Greece. "The Greek market is much bigger than ours and Greece
will also be our springboard to expanding into the rest of Europe,"
says Tassos Angelis, the Cyprus Airways spokesman.
Tourism remains the engine of the economy, but the services sector is
fast restructuring and diversifying. With English widely spoken as a
second language and a well-educated workforce, the business sector,
including accounting and the legal services, is seen as a growth area.
Expansion is also expected in private education, with foreign students
filling colleges of higher education. Private health care, where costs
are a fraction of those in the rest of Europe, is growing rapidly.
The economy is estimated to have grown by 5 per cent last year and its
medium-term sustainable growth rate is estimated at around 4.5 per cent.
Per capita income is around £9,000. Inflation during the first
eight months of this year was just 1.81 per cent.
Unemployment in the first half of this year dropped to 3 per cent from
3.7 per cent during the same period last year. The fiscal deficit fell
from 4.1 per cent of the GDP in 1999 to 2.7 per cent last year and is
expected to stand at about 2.2 per cent this year. "We envisage
fiscal accounts will be balanced by 2004," says Andreas Trokkos,
a senior planning officer at the Planning Bureau.
Even a spectacular stock market crash has failed to dent growth or confidence.
The index soared a dizzying 700 per cent in 1999 to reach a high of
more than 800 points, plummeting since then to under 150 points. Yet
the retail sales index increased by 7.6 per cent in nominal terms in
the first quarter of 2001. Also, a large part of the funds that flowed
into the market in the boom times was used to acquire physical productive
assets to modernise and upgrade companies.
Because it had a market economy to start with, Cyprus's harmonisation
process with the EU has easily outpaced those East European countries
also lining up for accession in the next wave of enlargement. Interest
rates were liberalised at the beginning of the year, and exchange controls
are being gradually abolished so that there will be no restrictions
on the movement of capital by the time Cyprus joins Europe.
Reform of the tax system, however, remains Cyprus's greatest challenge
as it attempts to maintain its booming offshore sector to lessen dependence
on tourism. The EU is opposed to financial centres such as Cyprus having
separate tax regimes for local and international businesses. The corporate
tax rate for the offshore sector is currently 4.25 per cent, compared
with 20 or 25 per cent for domestic companies.
The solution being considered by the Cypriot authorities is to have
a uniform tax rate of 10 per cent for both onshore and offshore companies.
"That's still a very attractive rate," says Anthony Barnett,
the chairman of the Cyprus International Financial Services Association.
Certainly, new offshore business keeps arriving, even though companies
know change is on the way. It is proof, Cypriot officials and foreign
businessmen say, that low taxes were not the island's only attractions.
Other incentives include its English-based legal system, strategic location,
low operating costs and pleasant environment for expatriate workers
and their families. Telecommunications are among the cheapest in Europe.
The international business community also welcomes the fact that Cyprus
is a reputable, well-regulated jurisdiction. The island was, for instance,
conspicuously absent from a "name and shame" list of 15 countries
accused of failing to co-operate in the fight against money laundering,
thanks to legislation passed in the 1990s. The list was prepared last
year by the Financial Action Task Force, a body affiliated to the Organisation
for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). "We all want
to be in a place we can say is following OECD and EU directives,"
Mr Barnett says.
The EU also has an interest in ensuring that certain dynamic parts of
Cyprus's international business sector continue to thrive and do not
disperse to locations outside the bloc. "The presence of the shipping
and ship management industry is very important for the EU," says
Mehran Eftekhar, of the Cyprus International Business Association, which
represents 120 of the biggest offshore companies with a presence on
the island.
With 1,475 ocean-going vessels and a gross tonnage of 23.2 million,
Cyprus has the fifth largest merchant shipping fleet in the world. "Once
Cyprus joins, the EU will have the largest merchant fleet in the world,"
says Mr Eftekhar.
6. - HURRIYET - "Athens and combatting terrorism":
Columnist Ferai Tinc writes on the combat against
terrorism and the admittance of the Greek Cypriot Administration into
the EU. This is a summary of her column.
German Foreign Minister who met with both the Turkish Foreign Minister,
Ismail Cem, and Greek Foreign Minister George Papandreou said that they
preferred Cyprus to enter the EU after it has solved its problems. However,
these days the EU officials are all saying the same. The same sentence
can also be found in the report prepared in connection with the enlargement
of the EU.
This report will be discussed during the leaders' summit
to be held in Ghent on October 19. It is stressed that a solution for
the Cyprus problem is preferred before the admittance of the Greek Cypriot
Administration as a full member to the EU. However, we should not exaggerate
the issue. The European Union does not refute its decision adopted at
the Helsinki Summit and say that it would not admit the Greek Cypriot
administration as a full-member if it does not solve the question. Not
long ago, in August it was giving carte-blanche to Cyprus. Today there
is a certain loosening in this stance.
That is why Athens is nervous. Papandreou's harsh response
to Fischer's words display this uneasiness. He said, 'If you insist
on a solution we will block the enlargement process.' Both Greece and
Greek Cypriot Administration are feeling uneasy over the mobilization
against terrorism following the attacks on the US. This process has
led to a tension between Turkey and Greece. The tension stems from certain
reasons First of all, Greece did not account for the support it has
lent to the PKK for years and did not indulge in self-criticism over
the scandals taking place before the eyes of the whole world. The possibility
of settling old accounts creates tension.
The attack on the US has created problems for Athens.
Many issues it would prefer to be forgotten has come out into the open.
Athens is being criticised by Washington for not combating sufficiently
against the 'September 17' organisation that has been carrying out actions
against American targets for 25 years. Greece is not opening up Milosevic's
accounts in Greek and Greek Cypriot banks for international control.
The support it has given to PKK is also a hump on Greek Cypriot Administration's
back. Following the rumours concerning the money flow, Turks entered
into close cooperation with the US. According to information furnished
by the officials, the suspected accounts, people and money flow have
been opened to the control of experts. The Greek Cypriot administration
is still on the defensive. The circumstances of the time provide an
opportunity for Turkey to explain its arguments and be understood.