12
August 2003
2. "Five elderly Kurds released from Turkish prison", Five elderly Kurds, after having spent 3 years and 3 months in a Turkish prison for "aiding and abetting the PKK", have been released within the frame of the new ’repentance law’.
3. "Military sees PKK threat still in the mountains", 'We are not interested in applications from those already in jail. What interests us are the "terrorists" based in the mountains. We have 14 applications from them,' Deputy Chief of Staff Buyukanit says
4. "False expectations", Recent developments in Nicosia confirm that the Cyprus issue has not become a stagnant matter, as reformists in Athens believe, placing all hope in a fresh international initiative that could revive the UN plan for reunification.
5. "Kurds Adapt to a New Order in Iraq", Leaders give up dream of statehood, urge federalist rule to protect status
6. "Some 300 Baathists fired from Iraq's North Oil Co: Kurdish paper", Nearly 300 members of Saddam Hussein's deposed Baath Party have been fired from the North Oil Co in Iraq's oil-rich city of Kirkuk, a Kurdish newspaper reported Monday.
1. - AFP - "Top Turkish officials to discuss sending troops to Iraq":
ANKARA / August 12, 2003
Turkey's military commander and top officials were meeting here Tuesday
to discuss a US request for the sending of peace-keeping troops to
Iraq.
The meeting, under the chairmanship of President Ahmet Necdet Sezer,
was to include General Hilmi Ozkok, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul and Defense Minister Vecdi Gonul.
The cabinet was due to convene immediately after the summit meeting
to discuss the issue further.
No final decision was however expected ahead of a meeting of the National
Security Council, a body which includes the country's civilian and
military leaders, on August 22.
Erdogan's government and the army have both expressed support for
the idea of joining an international peace-keeping force in neighbouring
Iraq, despite objections from opposition parties and public opinion
concerns.
Sezer himself, on the other hand, would like to see any dispatch of
Turkish troops linked to a UN or to a NATO resolution, according to
the Turkish press.
On Sunday, the army number two, General Yasar Buyukanit, spoke out
in favour of joining a peace-keeping mission, saying "Turkey
cannot turn a blind eye if there is a fire next door".
Turkey, he added, has asked the Pentagon to provide details on what
sort of force it would like it to send, for how long and where the
troops might be deployed.
He also stressed that Turkish troops would not serve in a sector of
southern Iraq which is to be commanded by Polish forces.
By taking part in a peace-keeping mission, the Turkish government
hopes to restore good relations with the United States. Relations
hit an all-time low after the Turkish parliament refused to allow
the United States to send troops to Turkey to open a "northern
front" against Iraq.
If the government approves the sending of troops, parliament, which
is currently on holiday, could be recalled in September to vote on
the matter.
The government has an absolute majority in parliament.
2.
- KurdishMedia - "Five elderly Kurds released from Turkish
prison":
LONDON / 10 August 2003
By Welat Lezgin
Five elderly Kurds, after having spent 3 years and 3 months in a Turkish prison for "aiding and abetting the PKK", have been released within the frame of the new ’repentance law’.
The group of elderly Kurds, which the Turkish media nicknamed ’Grannies gang’, consisted of Emine Kiyancicek (81), Fatma Sevuk (75), Yemis Altuntas (68) Gullu Celik (68) and Ali Adir (65), appealed to the Turkish authorities within the frame of the ’Repentance Law’ for their release.
After spending 3 years and 3 months in prison the five elderly Kurds
were released and welcomed by an applauding crowd of relatives and
supporters.
3.- Turkish Daoly News - "Military sees PKK threat still in the mountains":
'We are not interested in applications from those already in jail. What interests us are the terrorists based in the mountains. We have 14 applications from them,' Deputy Chief of Staff Buyukanit says
ANKARA / 12 August 2003
by Fatma Demirelli
Days after a government-proposed partial amnesty for members of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) took effect, the Turkish military indicated that the number of surrendering terrorists based in the mountains in Turkey and Iraq were still few and more time should pass for a proper assessment of the success of the move.
More than 900 PKK members have applied to benefit from the amnesty but only 14 of them were those based in mountain camps, a top military official said.
"We are not interested in applications from those already in jail. What interests us are the terrorists based in the mountains. We have 14 applications from them," Yasar Buyukanit, the Deputy Chief of Staff, told journalists in a Sunday gathering.
Buyukanit said the number of jailed applicants was 906.
The president approved last week the amnesty law, which the government called "wining back to society law", in an attempt to encourage thousands of armed militants based in northern Iraq and southeastern Turkey to lay down arms and surrender.
The PKK, later renamed as KADEK, is estimated to have some 5,000 armed terrorists in mountains in northern Iraq and the government has predicted that half of these militants might return home to benefit from the partial amnesty, which grants pardons or reduced prison terms for militants.
Buyukanit said that only one of the 14 militants had come from outside the Turkish territory to surrender. Five of them have been released, Buyukanit also said.
The deputy chief of staff, who is due to hand over his post in the coming days, said he could not confirm media reports that there were terrorist groups gathering in rural areas of the southeastern province of Sirnak in preparation for collective surrender.
"We are very closely following developments in connection with the law. But for the time being, we do not have information sufficient for an assessment," Buyukanit said and added that it would be necessary to wait for at least a month to be able to do so.
The PKK/KADEK leadership has denounced the partial amnesty and pledged not to disarm unless a general amnesty is issued.
"We have been hearing such threats from the PKK/KADEK for 15-20 years. The Turkish Armed Forces is always ready to defeat such threats," Buyukanit said.
Turkey deploys a few thousand troops in northern Iraq in order to hunt the PKK/KADEK militants based in the region and this presence has occasionally led to tension with the United States.
In early July, 11 Turkish soldiers were detained by American forces on charges of plotting against the Kurdish governor of the oil-rich city of Kirkuk.
Buyukanit said Turkish presence in northern Iraq was due to the PKK/KADEK
presence and indicated that there would be no reason for the Turkish
troops to stay when the PKK/KADEK is eliminated.
US requests Turkish liaison generals
In a reaction against the detention of Turkish soldiers, the General Staff has withdrawn a liaison team in Tampa, Florida. Buyukanit said Sunday that the United States had requested three liaison generals for Tampa, Qatar and Baghdad during a visit by CENTCOM Commander Gen. John Abizaid last month.
Last Friday, the U.S. requested that the process of sending generals be sped up.
Sending troops to Iraq: Risky but...
Having overcome the detention crisis, the United States and Turkey are now discussing prospects for sending Turkish troops to Iraq to help the U.S. stabilization mission there. Buyukanit admitted that the job involved risk, a greater risk than the one associated with an earlier U.S. request to open a northern front on Iraq from Turkish territory, but signaled that the military was willing to take it, saying, "We cannot turn a blind eye if there is a fire next door."
"There is risk wherever there is instability. There is instability in Iraq and that's why there is need for stabilization forces there."
Turkey rejected a U.S. request to allow deployment of thousands of U.S. troops to open a northern front on Iraq in a March 1 vote, creating tension in relations with traditional ally Washington and prompting some Pentagon officials to come up with statements accusing the Turkish military of reluctance.
Buyukanit said the criticisms were unjust, emphasizing that the Turkish Armed Forces had done what it had been assigned to do and was ready to do so.
"The Turkish Armed Forces is ready to do whatever assignment is given it. But the Turkish Armed Forces should not be used to serve foreign or domestic policy goals. We have sent soldiers to Afghanistan, Somalia and Bosnia. We cannot close our eyes if there is instability in our neighbor," he said.
"There is risk wherever there is instability. There is instability in Iraq and that's why there is need for stabilization forces there."
He said a final decision would be made at a summit of political leaders Tuesday, which is expected to be attended by Chief of Staff Hilmi Ozkok as well.
The General Staff sent a questionnaire to the United States last week, asking about possible location and size of Turkish deployment as well as the command structure Turkish troops would be attached to. An answer to this document has not yet arrived.
Buyukanit said the military would present its assessment of such
a mission to the government after these answers arrived.
Timely response
Buyukanit avoided to predict the final decision, saying it could be "either yes or no."
"It can be 'yes' or 'no', this is no problem. But it would be beneficial if the decision were timely," he said.
UN mandate: Useful but unlikely
Buyukanit also said that a UN mandate would make it easier for the Turkish Parliament to make a decision on whether or not to send troops to Iraq but emphasized that Turkey was considering alternatives without such a mandate, given that it was unlikely.
"What if there is no such mandate... You make your calculations for worst case scenarios. Under current circumstances, it is highly difficult to obtain such a decision from the UN Security Council," he said.
Buyukanit also maintained that the cost of a Turkish stabilization mission in Iraq would be covered by Turkey and dismissed rumors that Kurdish groups would prevent the passage of Turkish peacekeepers.
Buyukanit also said that Turkish troops would be deployed in areas where there is instability, when asked whether the United States was still insisting that northern Iraq would not be a spot for Turkish troops deployment.
'PM's objection to YAS decision unlawful'
The outgoing deputy chief of staff also responded to questions on veiled tensions with the ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party, which has roots in political Islam.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan objected to a Supreme Military Council (YAS) decision last week to sack 18 officers for pro-Islamic leanings and Buyukanit described the objection as "a violation of laws."
"Every member of YAS can object to a decision. But objecting to a decision saying this is because YAS decisions are not subject to judicial review and therefore ignoring a provision of the Constitution is unacceptable," he said.
On a government-proposed reform package that is designed to limit military influence in public life, Buyukanit said some of military's arguments have been taken into consideration, while some were not.
"I hope some of our objections will not be proven to be right
in the future," he said.
4. - Kathimerini (Greece) - "False expectations":
Athens / 12 August 2003
By Costas Iordanidis
Recent developments in Nicosia confirm that the Cyprus issue has not become a stagnant matter, as reformists in Athens believe, placing all hope in a fresh international initiative that could revive the UN plan for reunification. In fact, any progress on the issue is due to the initiatives of the leader of the breakaway Turkish-Cypriot state Rauf Denktash and the Islamic government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Ankara.
The so-called “framework agreement” for an eventual customs union between Turkey and the breakaway state signed on Friday should prompt second thoughts in the mind of Greek Premier Costas Simitis, whose administration deems that the EU bogeyman can block any such moves from Ankara. Reactions from Brussels so far have been mild and the EU has said it will examine the documents before deciding whether Ankara has breached any commitments made to the Union.
More interestingly, Ankara says that the agreement will to help bring about an “economic equilibrium in Cyprus,” boost commerce and investment and, overall, contribute to the European aim of improving conditions in the northern part of the island.
Greek policymakers on Cyprus are probably relaxing somewhere in the Aegean Sea, congratulating themselves on their foreign policy achievements. However, Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, currently at the helm of the EU’s rotating presidency (and who was a witness at the wedding of Erdogan’s son), is one of the warmest advocates of Turkey’s EU membership and, possibly, the tough reaction that Greece expects from Brussels may never come.
In that case, the modernist-minded politicians in Athens will merely
try to play down the incident so as not to shake the concept on which
they have based their policy regarding the Cyprus issue and Turkey.
5.
- The Washington Post - "Kurds Adapt to a New Order in Iraq":
Leaders Give Up Dream of Statehood, Urge Federalist Rule to Protect
Status
SULAYMANIYAH (Iraq) / August 12, 2003
By Pamela Constable
The highway to this prosperous Kurdish city is lined with rolling, well-irrigated wheat fields. The first gas station is a designer fantasy of glittering blue glass. The main boulevard is a parade of Internet cafes, half-built mansions and a familiar-looking "Madonal" restaurant that features "Big Macks."
For the past 12 years, while the rest of Iraq struggled under dictatorship and foreign sanctions, the isolated north and its ethnic Kurdish population enjoyed a privileged period of political autonomy, international aid and rapid economic development under skies patrolled by Western warplanes enforcing a "no-fly" zone.
But with the toppling of President Saddam Hussein, that special status is no longer assured, and Kurdish leaders are scrambling to preserve benefits they fear will be lost in the ethnic, religious and political free-for-all of post-Hussein Iraq.
"Thirteen years ago, we had nothing. By the time Saddam was overthrown, we were far ahead of the rest of Iraq," said Adel Murad, a spokesman for the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of two major Kurdish parties. "We had satellite TV and cell phones. We had security and human rights. Now we're scared, and we need something to protect everything we've built."
Despite a reputation as tough guerrilla fighters, shrewd politicians and clever smugglers, Iraq's 3.5 million Kurds are at a distinct numerical disadvantage. They account for only 15 percent of the country's 23.3 million people, while Arabs, with whom they have often clashed, constitute 80 percent and would inevitably dominate any future government.
But having helped U.S. forces bring down Hussein, Kurdish leaders are adjusting rapidly to the realities of post-Hussein politics. First, to maximize their national influence, the PUK and the rival Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) have renounced the differences that led to civil war in their 17,000-square-mile enclave in the 1990s.
The two groups now speak with one voice, and they say they are preparing to merge the dual administrations that rule separate sections of the Kurdish region in northeastern Iraq. Their top leaders, Jalal Talabani of the PUK and Massoud Barzani of the KDP, are among five Kurds holding seats on Iraq's Governing Council in Baghdad, where the two men behave more like lifelong allies than onetime armed adversaries.
"We have learned our lessons," said Hoshyar Zubari, a spokesman for the KDP, which controls Irbil, 100 miles northwest of here. "The power struggle did a lot of damage, but all that is over now. We must be unified so we will be in a stronger position for the battle ahead."
More importantly, Kurdish leaders say they have jettisoned their long-standing dream of an independent ethnic homeland -- a goal that inspired generations of Iraqi Kurds through numerous cycles of rebellion and repression, including two uprisings against Hussein's rule.
The main reason for the radical retreat is to placate nervous foreign neighbors. Since 1920, the Kurds have populated a mountainous region divided among Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria. The latter three -- especially Turkey -- have always feared that their Kurdish minorities would rise up and unite under Iraqi Kurdish leadership, and they have quashed periodic separatist movements.
Last spring, after Turkey refused to allow the United States to use its territory as a staging area for an invasion of northern Iraq, scaled-back U.S. forces in the north worked closely with Iraqi Kurdish militias. As a result, the Kurds consolidated their hold on the north, and tensions with Turkey rose sharply. Since then, however, with a strong push from Washington, Iraqi Kurdish leaders have reassured their foreign neighbors that they have no plans to seek independence or foment unrest among Kurds in other countries.
What Kurdish leaders propose instead is a political formula they believe will safeguard their status without threatening other groups. They want Iraq to adopt a federal system of government, perhaps modeled on the system in Canada or the United Arab Emirates, with basic powers such as defense reserved for central authorities but individual states given considerable control over their economic resources and social policies.
"We have no choice," said Fadhil Merani, a senior KDP leader in Irbil. With the collapse of Hussein's government, he said, "we have caught a big fish, but we don't know what kind of fish it is yet. There is no chance for independence, so every educated Kurd, from every group in the region, is demanding federalism."
Indeed, the once unfamiliar word is now a staple of conversations across the region, from flour stalls to college campuses. While some Kurds remain convinced this is the perfect moment to push for independence, many have come around to their leaders' pragmatic stance. Little Kurdish and Iraqi flags are displayed side by side on market counters throughout the region.
"No matter what the politicians say, independence is the dream of all Kurdish people," said Karwan Tayeb, 22, a commerce major at the University of Sulaymaniyah. "For centuries we have been divided among four countries. There are almost 4 million of us, and now we have the support of the Americans and the British. This is our chance to become like Bosnia and East Timor."
But Sunur Ali, 18, who was sitting beside Tayeb in an English class, disagreed. The fall of Hussein, she said, has finally given the Kurds "a chance to become part of Iraq. We are not fanatics.
"We are Iraqis just like everyone else," Ali said, as many of her classmates nodded. "Shouldn't we all be able to live together in peace?"
Yet the Kurdish enclave is far from homogeneous, with sizable ethnic minorities of Assyrians and Turkmens who frequently complain of discrimination by the Kurdish-run system. In the major oil-producing districts around the northern cities of Mosul and Kirkuk, Kurdish and Arab groups are currently struggling for control of land, economic resources and political power.
Another problem is the growing aggressiveness of Islamic militant groups. Some have clashed violently with the secular Kurdish parties in the past, and some are believed by U.S. military officials to have links to terrorist groups. In the past two weeks, U.S. troops have arrested two well-known Kurdish Islamic clerics, provoking angry demonstrations here.
"We are all Muslims, but we are afraid of these fanatical groups," said one PUK official here, adding that most mainstream Kurdish leaders approve of the American actions but prefer to keep a prudent distance from them. "There is a great danger in politicizing Islam and forcing it on people. This could be a big threat to developing our society and integrating it into the modern world."
But far greater challenges come from outside, which is why senior Kurdish leaders now spend practically all their time in Baghdad, wooing other minority groups and honing the political skills they will need to make their case for federalism as a new Iraqi constitution is written in the coming months. After 35 years of repressive single-party rule, mistrust is high, the art of compromise is new, the strength of leaders is untested and the degree to which partisan groups will press or sacrifice their own agendas is not yet clear.
"We want to be full partners in the country's future, but we
are realistic, too," said Zubari, the KDP spokesman. "We
are willing to give up some privileges, but we need a safety valve,
and federalism comes closest. Our history is littered with broken
promises and missed opportunities. We don't want to squander this
one."
6.
- AFP - "Some 300 Baathists fired from Iraq's North Oil Co:
Kurdish paper":
ARBIL (Iraq) / August 11, 2003
Nearly 300 members of Saddam Hussein's deposed Baath Party have been
fired from the North Oil Co in Iraq's oil-rich city of Kirkuk, a Kurdish
newspaper reported Monday.
New Kurdistan, which is published by Jalal Talabani's Patriotic Union
of Kurdistan, quoted Irfan Kirkuki, an assistant to Kirkuk's governor
for "de-Baathification" affairs, as saying 299 employees
were sacked from the North Oil Co for having previously held senior
posts in the Baath Party.
This followed the sacking of 52 Baathists from posts in the health
sector, 25 from the police and three firefighters, said the official
in the northern city.
Education will be the next state sector to be purged of Baathists,
in line with a decision by US overseer Paul Bremer to bar top Baath
members from civil service jobs after the former ruling party was
outlawed.