21 November 2006

1. "Time for justice: No to the ban on Kongra Gel", all the voices of Kurdish politics must be heard, including those in Kongra Gel an avowedly peaceful organization.

2. "Kurdish guerrillas debate democracy in northern Iraq", "The United States wants democracy in Iraq and there have been some positive developments there with Saddam leaving," said Yasser Bagok, one of the loosely organized PKK band's subcommanders, in his comments on the day's reading.

3. "Will Turkey Seize Northern Iraq?", the fate of Northern Iraq or Iraqi Kurdistan promises to be one of the most sensitive issues that will affect the stability of the region.

4. "Cops end Turkish protest", riot police on Monday fired tear gas and broke down doors to arrest 29 left-wing militants who had locked themselves in the offices of the Associated Press news agency to protest against Turkey's prisons system.

5. "EU sets December 6 deadline on Turkey/Cyprus deal", European Union president Finland said on Monday the deadline for a deal on trade with Cyprus to avoid a setback in Turkey's EU membership bid is before a European Commission meeting on December 6.

6. "Enlargement Criticism From E.P. To European Commission", an enlargement strategy report, prepared by Elmar Brok (German Christian Democrat), EP Foreign Affairs Commission President, criticizes the stance of European Commission regarding enlargement issues and asks Turkey to be devoted to good neighborhood relations, including the comprehensive solution of Cyprus question.

1. - Flash Bulletin - "Time for justice: No to the ban on Kongra Gel":

All the voices of Kurdish politics must be heard, including those in Kongra Gel an avowedly peaceful organization. - Mark Thomas.

19 November 2006

A public meeting in the House of Commons timed to coincide with the Queens Speech on 15 November has been held to draw attention to the ban on Kongra Gel, a Kurdish organization committed to entirely non-violent political change inside Turkey, erroneously listed as a terrorist group earlier this year by Home Secretary John Reid. The meeting called by Mark Thomas, Peace in Kurdistan Campaign, CAMPACC and Liberation was hosted by Plaid Cymru MPs Elfyn Llwyd and Hywel Williams. The gathering in Parliament, which the UK authorities did not want to take place, was titled Time for Justice- No to the Ban on Kongra Gel, and sought to put on the UK agenda the implications of the ban on leading Kurdish political organizations for both civil liberties here and in Turkey and the Middle East as a whole. It also came at a time when Turkeys progress on its accession to the European Union has been stalling as a direct result of its failure to improve human rights, in particular its continued denial of the rights of the Kurdish people.

A scheduled keynote speaker was to have been Remzi Kartal, a European spokesman for the banned Kongra Gel, but he was not given a visa to enter the UK, despite strong representations made by the organizers of the event. The decision to refuse Remzi the right to come to London set a new precedent, given his frequent visits to this country in the past and the fact that he is permitted to live openly in Brussels.

As was pointed out at the meeting, it should be stressed that Remzi is not only a respected former elected member of the Turkish Parliament, but he a leading figure in an organization that has never advocated violence in any shape or form; on the contrary, Kongra Gel has consistently advocated a peaceful political solution to the Kurdish problem in Turkey. The ban on his visit turned out to be another indication of the unfairness of the UK ban on Kongra Gel and the remarkable silence of UK politicians in general on the appalling abuses that take place in Turkey.

The meeting occurred at a time when the Turkish states war against the PKK and Kongra-Gel continues, despite the recent renewal of the ceasefire by the PKK and Kongra-Gel, and when human rights violations of Kurdish organizations, journalists, publishers, writers and trade unionists have been increasing at an alarming level.

Speakers at the meeting urged support for a ceasefire, dialogue and a political solution to the unresolved conflict between Turkey and the Kurds. Prominent human rights organisations, peace campaigners, intellectuals and writers in Turkey - and internationally - have been supporting this peace initiative. Failure to do so, the meeting heard, could well lead to a return of the terrible times of the 1990s a dark era in Turkish history when thousands were disappeared by state-linked forces, an Emergency was declared, thought was declared a crime, villages were bombed and depopulated, the economy was destabilised, the contra-guerrilla and the unaccountable mafia-deep state was allowed to hold sway.

Pointing to the recent unilateral ceasefire announced in October by the Kurdish side, Remzi, in a message read out by Estella Schmid, reminded the meeting that this was the fourth successive ceasefire that the Kurds had adopted over recent years.

All previous ceasefires had eventually collapsed because of the failure of the Turkish side to respond in equal measure. The responsibility for this lay not only with Turkey, however, but with the powers in Europe and the US, who were in a position to exert some influence on their ally, he stressed.

Remzis message continued: It is time to solve the Kurdish issue in Turkey, which is a serious obstacle to achieving democracy in the whole region. I also believe that the European countries, in particular the UK, have a historic responsibility to play a role in finding a solution.

I urge the UK Government to rethink its decision to ban Kongra Gel and the PKK and to recognize that this ban is an obstacle to any permanent peace and stability not only in Turkey but in the whole region.

The UK Government should lift this ban which criminalises the Kurds and urge the EU to take action to find a solution to the conflict during this ceasefire period, Remzi concluded.

Comedian Mark Thomas, who has long campaigned to highlight the discrimination facing Kurdish people in Turkey, was planning to carry out an interview with Remzi for one of his television programmes. In a solidarity message, the comedian expressed disappointment that Remzi had been refused a visa by the UK authorities, a blow for liberty which he described as a form of censorship of his work.

The UK government has made a fatal mistake: rather than using the opportunity of Turkey trying to gain entry into the EU as a moment to pressure Turkey into reform, the UK government has squandered this chance. Now that the EU has said that Turkey must improve the rights of minorities, surely one would think that this would be the time to press for Turkey to chance and engage with the Kurds on trying to resolve the Kurdish Question, Mark Thomas said.

Instead the UK has sought to back Turkey's further oppression of the Kurds under the guise of fighting terrorism. This in particular applies to Kongra Gel. The UK government has no evidence to back their claim Kongra Gel is the front of the PKK. Yet they added Kongra Gel to the proscribed list, thus denying legitimate chance for Kurds to enter the political debate on their own future. Rather than sponsor this chance for dialogue, the UK government choose to back Turkey in its attempts to silence Kurdish dissent, the message continued.

All the voices of Kurdish politics must be heard, which include those in Kongra Gel- an avowedly peaceful organisation whose members feature prominent Kurdish leaders from the democratic and non-violent movements for Kurdish human rights. Yes, there are some ex-PKK members in Kongra Gel, but this is no reason to justify the claim that it is a PKK front. Without these voices, the dialogue for peace can mean nothing, Mark Thomas stated.

A young female Kurdish activist, who described herself as a former member of Kongra- Gel based in the UK, appealed for the repeal of the ban which she described as unjust and dispiriting for all Kurdish people. The ban had gagged her from speaking out freely. She also called on UK politicians to acknowledge that any proposed solution that excludes Abdullah Ocalan and the PKK would never be accepted by the Kurdish people.

The threat posed by the terrorism bans on civil and political liberties of the wider population was highlighted by other speakers at the meeting. These included Jeremy Corbyn MP, Hugo Charlton, human rights barrister, Ben Hayes, from Statewatch, Desmond Fernandes, a member of the Advisory Council of the EUTCC, Les Levidow, from CAMPACC, policy analyst Nick Hildyard and barrister Hugo Charlton. Completing the panel was Alattin Erdogan, Vice-Chair of the Kurdish Democratic Society Party of Turkey, who was currently on a delegation to London.
18 November 2006

Abbreviations

CAMPACC = Campaign Against Criminalising Communities
EUTCC = EU Turkey Civic Commission
KONGRA-GEL = Peoples Congress of Kurdistan
PKK = Kurdistan Workers Party

2. - AFP - "Kurdish guerrillas debate democracy in northern Iraq":

QANDIL MOUNTAINS / 20 November 2006

The early morning chill had yet to leave the stone hut deep in northern Iraq's Qandil mountains as the guerrillas of the Kurdistan Workers Party gathered for their morning discussion on politics.

"The United States wants democracy in Iraq and there have been some positive developments there with Saddam leaving," said Yasser Bagok, one of the loosely organized PKK band's subcommanders, in his comments on the day's reading.

"America is playing an important role in the development of democracy in the Middle East despite its mistakes," agreed Sozdor Serbiliz, the female commander who led the day's discussion.

"For Europe, we cannot say the same thing."

The words at first appear odd for what was once a hard-core Marxist-Leninist movement that has fought the Turkish government in a brutal guerrilla war since 1984, but now maintains it is committed to a peaceful solution to the Kurdish question.

"We have concrete solutions to the problems of the region and we can play an important role in developing democracy," Serbiliz told the two dozen guerrillas huddled against the cold as raindrops spattered against the plastic sheeting draped over the hut.

"Outsiders cannot develop democracy in the region, we must do it ourselves," she said. Rather than seeking to carve out a separate Kurdish state, the PKK says it now seeks a peaceful solution for Kurdish identity within each of the four countries -- Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria -- where Kurds are found.

The meeting began with a reading of the latest missive from the movement's founder, Abdullah Ocalan, who has been languishing in a Turkish prison for the past six years.

Serbiliz read in a rapid monotone. The rambling tract moved from topic to topic, occasionally quoting philosophers such as Immanuel Wallerstein, and discussed the politics in the region, even referring to the Democratic Party's victory in recent US elections.

Ocalan has a nearly godlike status in the movement, with his picture everywhere in PKK facilities and only competing for wall space with the faces of the martyrs killed in their many battles.

After the reading, the guerrillas immediately stood and briskly applauded.

Turkey, the arch foe of the movement that continues to pressure the Iraqi government to expel the PKK from its mountain hideaways, came in for repeated condemnation in the "leader's" dispatch.

"Turkey's problem is that there is no freedom of thought or organization. That's why Turkey cannot develop itself in many ways, politically and economically," said the letter.

Ocalan also criticized the European Union for trying to force Turkey to solve the situation in Cyprus, but not doing anything for the oppressed Kurds in Turkey.

At the same time, he noted that many Turkish politicians and intellectuals did believe in a peaceful solution to the whole Kurdish issue.

In the discussions, though, the young fighters, few above the age of 22 and many still in their teens, cautioned against giving up the military option.

"The whole time we are calling for a ceasefire, (the Turks) are increasing their operations and say they are going to finish off the PKK," said Sema Zilan, a woman with a royal blue scarf holding back her long, curly hair.

"We have to prepare ourselves both politically and militarily, because it seems they are increasing military operations against us."

The young guerrillas also discussed their relations with the two dominant parties in the Iraqi Kurdish region -- the Kurdish Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. They have criticized both for being too conservative and tribally based.

"These differences have to be overcome," noted one man, yet "not everyone talks in the same way. If everyone talked the same, there would be no development in society."

The PKK has its own associated party operating in Iraq's Kurdish Autonomous Region, the Kurdish Democratic Solution Party. However, its followers say they often face interference from the authorities.

In response to Turkish pressure, the Iraqi government ordered the closure of the party's offices in Iraq in September.

"Turkey says close and Iraq closes them. What happened to democracy? There is no democracy when it comes to us," said another of the guerrillas.

3. - HNN - "Will Turkey Seize Northern Iraq?":

20 November 2006 / by Hakan Ozoglu

The fate of Northern Iraq or Iraqi Kurdistan promises to be one of the most sensitive issues that will affect the stability of the region. The political future of these Kurdish districts is of grave importance for the Turks. The Turks suspect a hidden agenda of the Iraqi Kurds and the Coalition Powers, an agenda that might ultimately culminate in the creation of a Kurdish state. The Turks would consider this ill fated, for such a state would “indisputably” endanger the national security and territorial integrity of Turkey by inspiring its own Kurdish population to secede. On the other side of the border, Kurds consider a Turkish intervention as a direct threat to Kurdish hopes for a self-rule. Any conceivable conflict between the Turks and the Kurds is also a source of anxiety for the US, as the Bush administration hopes to tranquilize the region lest the old rivalries re-surface and destabilize the Middle East even further. The US is in an awkward position, as it needs the assistance of the two groups whose aspirations are diametrically opposed to each other.

To complicate matters, Turks are also suspicious of the US designs for the Kurds and vice versa. Despite repeated assurances by US officials on the continuation of the Iraq’s territorial integrity, many Turks still remain uneasy about the US military support of the Iraqi Kurds. Although the Turkish government has agreed that Turkey will not intervene militarily in Northern Iraq as long as the national security of Turkey is not jeopardized, the current escalation of clashes between the Turkish security forces and the PKK indicate that there are reasons for Turkey to be worried. Despite the statements of Jalal Talabani, the President of Iraq and a Kurd himself, asking Turkey not to engage the PKK guerillas within Northern Iraq, frustrated Turks consider the current situation unacceptable while the PKK operates from northern Iraq to attack Turkish security forces. As the Iraqi Kurds are suspicious of Turkey’s intent in such a cross-border military operation to target PKK bases, the Turks do not trust the political will and military might of the Iraqi Kurds to shut down PKK bases in Iraqi Kurdistan.

Historic mistrust among these parties involved in Northern Iraq is not without merit. World War I provides plenty examples of unfulfilled promises and secret treaties. And there is no guarantee that history will not repeat itself. Turks whose popular memory is still tormented by the loss of vast territories as a result of post World War I treaties, do not suffer from a lack of conspiracy theories regarding the involvement of the Western Powers in the Middle East. By the same token, the Western Powers--US, Britain and several EU countries in this case--have a justified fear of a possible Turkish military involvement in Northern Iraq.

These fears find their roots in the aftermath of World War I when Turks, led by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, waged a war against the Allied Powers. During this war, which was referred to as the War of Independence by the Turks, one of the main questions was to determine the boundaries of the new state. In a proclamation, known as the National Pact of 1920, the new Turkish regime declared the desired political boundaries of the new state, which included Northern Iraq. The Treaty of Lausanne drew the boundaries of Turkey with the exception of the Mosul province in 1923. Suspecting the rich oil reserves in this province, Britain did not want to leave Mosul and the other towns around it to the Turkish administration. The issue was referred to the League of Nations and in 1926 Mosul was transferred to Iraq. The fact that Mosul was included in the National Pact of 1920 fanned the ambitions of Turkish ultra-nationalists for generations. However, after 1926, Mosul was dropped from the Turkish Parliament’s agenda.

During this same period Britain and France had promised the Kurds “liberation” from the Turkish “misrule” and autonomy in the new Iraqi state. Yet as the Kurdish tribes use this opportunity to settle the old scores among themselves, Britain did not follow through on the promises it made. Since then, the Kurds became a major destabilizing force in the Middle East to which the Western Powers tapped in times of need. Therefore, blame cannot be justifiably placed on the Kurds when they remain skeptical for the intentions of Turkey, and for the dedication of the West to the Kurds.

Amidst this aura of skepticism, a significant question calls attention: will Turkey send troops to Northern Iraq? The most honest answer to this question can only be “probably”, despite the fact that US warned Turkey in no uncertain term against it. It would be naïve to think that in an era of “preemptive strikes” and “liberation wars” seizure of Northern Iraq has not been pondered by some Turks who resent the 1926 loss of Mosul. Indeed, for a country such as Turkey whose economy seems to be balancing on a tightrope, the oil wealth of the former Ottoman provinces of Mosul and Kirkuk would be most welcomed. However, the Turkish Government does seem very aware of the high cost of such an expansionist policy. There is always a possibility that arrangements for the post-war Iraq will tilt delicate balances in the region at the expense of Turkey. Because of this concern, Turkey seems to be unwilling to commit or entirely divorce itself from the possibility of actively engaging in Northern Iraq.

There is one more unstated reason, however, that readily escapes the eye. That is the post-war negotiations. As it stands now, by not allowing the US troops to enter Iraq from its border, Turkey has severely damaged its chance to reserve a seat at the table where the future of the “new liberated Iraq” will be discussed. Considering this, a Turkish military presence at the border, if not in Northern Iraq, can also be regarded as an attempt by Turkey to insert itself into the post-war negotiations. No doubt, stability of the new Baghdad regime will depend partly upon the cooperation it gets from the surrounding states. Syria and Iran have already signaled their opposition to a pro-US Iraqi government. This reality makes the cooperation of Turkey even more crucial. As the nations of the world position themselves for the new developments in the post “Operation Iraqi Freedom” era, Turkey too positions herself both to deal with the unexpected political developments after the war and to secure its interest in the region. As for the Iraqi Kurds, they seem to be content with the protection they get from the US against the Turks, while enthusiastically hoping that they will be rewarded with autonomy, and silently praying for independence. They also position themselves not only against Turkey, but also against their rival Kurdish factions.

There are plenty of variables, unknowns and suspicion that make the political landscape of Northern Iraq that much harder to forecast. Yet, one can readily predict that the issue of Northern Iraq and the Kurds will capture the headlines of Western media with greater frequency regardless of a Turkish component.

* Hakan Ozoglu is the Ayasli Senior Lecturer in Turkish Studies at the University of Chicago.

4. - News24 - "Cops end Turkish protest":

ANKARA / 20 November 2006

Riot police on Monday fired tear gas and broke down doors to arrest 29 left-wing militants who had locked themselves in the offices of the Associated Press news agency to protest against Turkey's prisons system.

The protestors, members of a far-left prisoners' defence group called TAYAD, broke into the AP bureau in the Turkish capital's residential Kavaklidere neighbourhood, just across the street from the upmarket Karum shopping mall.

They held AP journalist Suzan Fraser and three other employees for the duration of the occupation, which lasted for more than an hour.

Also locked inside was the head of Turkey's Human Rights Association, Yusuf Alatas, who was called to the scene to help end the protest before the police arrived.

New plan was controversial

The demonstrators deployed banners, one reading "No to solitary confinement," and took turns to appear on the fourth floor balcony to chant slogans through a megaphone denouncing Turkey's so-called F-type prisons, used in general to incarcerate organised crime and terrorism convicts.

The new prison system, where convicts are held in one- to three-person cells, was adopted in 2000 to replace the old system of large, crowded wards where prisoners lived communally.

The F-type prisons were controversial from the start, leading to deadly protests and hunger strikes by inmates and their families on grounds that they leave inmates socially isolated and render them more vulnerable to mistreatment from prison guards.

Rights activists have proposed that doors be left open to link three cells and allow inmates to socialize, but the offer has been so far ignored by the government.

"I denounce the indifference that has brought young people to this point," Alatas said after the protest ended. "I appeal to the justice minister and the prime minister: Please, please show a humane approach and solve this problem."

The inauguration in December 2000 of the new jails was dramatic.

Using firearms and tear gas, hundreds of soldiers raided prisons across Turkey several weeks after inmates began a protest hunger strike to move resisting inmates to the new jails.

The prisoners responded with gunfire and some set themselves ablaze.

The four-day operation claimed the lives of 32 inmates and two soldiers.

Another 68 people - inmates and supporters - starved themselves to death afterwards as a result of so-called "death fasts" that saw some 2 000 prisoners go on hunger strikes on a rotating basis at the peak of the protest before it faded in 2003.

The authorities have ruled out a return to the ward system, arguing that it was at the core of frequent riots and hostage-taking incidents in the country's unruly jails.

5. - Reuters - "EU sets December 6 deadline on Turkey/Cyprus deal":

HELSINKI / 20 November 2006 / by Rex Merrifield

European Union president Finland said on Monday the deadline for a deal on trade with Cyprus to avoid a setback in Turkey's EU membership bid is before a European Commission meeting on December 6.

Finnish Prime Minister Matti Vanhanen said he expected the EU executive to put forward recommendations in the first week of December and EU foreign ministers to take a decision on December 11.

"The real deadline is before the Commission presents its recommendations," Vanhanen said in a speech.

EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said December 6 was "the logical date" for the Commission to recommend consequences if Turkey had not met its obligation under an EU customs union to open Turkish ports to shipping from Cyprus.

Finland's proposal aims to allow direct trade with northern Cyprus and open Turkish ports and airports to Cypriot vessels and planes.

Turkey has said it will only open its ports if the EU acts to end the economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot north of the divided Mediterranean island.

Diplomats expect a push on the issue when Finland hosts a meeting early next week of EU and Mediterranean foreign ministers, including Turkey's Abdullah Gul.

Vanhanen said he had no intention of letting the Turkey issue go on to an EU summit on December 14-15..

In a warning to Ankara, he said: "If there is no agreement and Turkey does not honour its commitments, the EU will need to consider the implications for the accession process. This is not a good scenario and it would mean an uncertain future."

WILLING NEGOTIATORS

Vanhanen said all the parties were willing to negotiate.

"No one has come up with an alternative solution or said that our proposal is unacceptable. We are all on the same page. Therefore the presidency still believes that a solution is possible."

Possible repercussions for Turkey if it fails to open its ports range from partial suspension of talks on joining the EU to a freeze in negotiations.

Vanhanen said the Finnish plan contained a limited number of proposals, and it was still up to the United Nations to try to reach a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus issue.

U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan met Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat in Geneva on Monday, after the world body proposed there should be a gradual build-up of talks between Greek and Turkish Cypriots to try to ease deadlock between them.

Talat said after meeting the outgoing U.N. chief that the Turkish Cypriots were ready for an unconditional resumption of negotiations with the Greek Cypriots on reunifying the island.

But he said any solution must be based on a detailed plan put forward by Annan in 2004 and could not be achieved by the EU.

"The EU is not an impartial, honest broker. It cannot be, because the Greek Cypriots and the Greeks are members," Talat told a news conference.

"Therefore a solution to the Cyprus problem will be definitely through the U.N. and not through the EU."

Turkish Cypriots voted in favour of a U.N. plan to reunite Cyprus in 2004 but the scheme foundered on Greek Cypriot opposition. The Greek Cypriots soon afterwards entered the EU as the sole legal representative of the island.

6. - Turkish Press - "Enlargement Criticism From E.P. To European Commission":

BRUSSELS / 20 November 2006

An enlargement strategy report, prepared by Elmar Brok (German Christian Democrat), EP Foreign Affairs Commission President, criticizes the stance of European Commission regarding enlargement issues and asks Turkey to be devoted to good neighborhood relations, including the comprehensive solution of Cyprus question.

The draft report, which will be voted in the EP Foreign Affairs Commission on Wednesday, emphasizes "absorption capacity", and criticizes European Commission that it failed to put forth the principles "that would strengthen this concept".

The report also said the European Commission failed to carry out a serious analysis regarding which problems the Union would resolve prior to new enlargement.

The draft report also claims that the European Commission did not examine the financial aspects of new enlargements.

The report prepared by Mr. Brok, known because of his views against Turkey's full membership, does not include any candidate or potential candidate country apart from Turkey.

"Turkey should be faithful to good neighborhood relations, including the solution of the Cyprus question," the report says, indicating that Turkey's refusal to open its ports to the Greek Cypriot party is the "actual bottleneck".

On the other hand, EU Rotating President Finland's Prime Minister Matti Vanhanen said 'Turkey issue' would not be discussed during the EU summit on December 14th and 15th.

Qualifying launching of talks with Turkey as "a great success", Vanhanen said, "however the accession talks intertwined with the Cyprus problem ."

Vanhanen said they favored a way out regarding Cyprus which would avoid Turkey's negotiation process to be victim of a probable crisis and that would be in the best interest of everyone.

"We are looking for a solution that would ensure Turkey's opening its ports and airports to Greek Cypriot ships and aircraft and allow direct trade between Northern Cyprus and the EU. We are not in the quest of a solution to Cyprus question. This is the mission of the U.N.," Vanhanen said.

Vanhanen indicated that EU's response would be made known in the European Union Foreign Affairs Ministers meeting on December 11th during the General Affairs and Foreign Relations Council, in case Turkey does not open its ports.

"I would like to clarify that the EU presidency does not think to discuss Turkey issue at the EU summit. A decision will be made before the summit. Other issues, including the future of the EU's enlargement process, would be handled at the summit," he remarked.