18 May 2007

1. "Kurdish Politician Risks Five Years In Jail", a Turkish prosecutor wants a five-year jail term for internationally recognised Kurdish politician Leyla Zana, accused of praising a jailed Kurdish rebel leader, a news agency reported yesterday.

2. "Turkish prosecutor asks Kurdish party to end membership of former lawmakers, others", a prosecutor's office on Thursday ordered a Kurdish political party to end the membership of lawmakers imprisoned for ties to separatist Kurdish guerrillas, and several others, ahead of elections in July.

3. "Court quashes Kurd attack verdict", Turkey's top appeals court has overturned jail terms imposed on two paramilitary officers over a 2005 bomb attack on a former Kurdish guerrilla.

4. "DTP eyes securing up to 53 seats in Parliament", the Democratic Society Party (DTP), with a strong support base in the country's Kurdish population, has prepared a report assessing the party's strengths and weaknesses, forming a strategy for the coming general elections.

5. "European Reaction to Military Interference", European politicians have reacted to the memorandum published on the website of the Armed Forces' General Staff on 27 April. They express worries about the effects on relations between Turkey and the EU.

6. "The Turkish Parliament Restricts the Web", "The Law on Internet Use" is crticized for its restrictive approach towards internet communication. "It aims at wider control of publications on the Internet through censorship and written commands" say critics who expect it overturned by the President.

7. "Iraq: Kurdish Region Under Increasing Threat", two high-profile bomb attacks targeting Kurdish institutions this month have drawn attention to security in the region, which had escaped much of the violence plaguing other areas in Iraq. But threats against the Kurds from Al-Qaeda and other insurgent groups have been growing.

8. "Killing in the name of honour: patriarchal community, power and politics in Kurdistan", traditionally, many laws have been used to further men’s interest and limit women’s freedom. For example, the Honour Killing law, which was practiced in Kurdistan till 2001 and is still being practiced in Iraq and other countries, increases men’s power and is used to control women.

1. - AFP - "Kurdish Politician Risks Five Years In Jail":

DIYARBAKIR / 17 May 2007

A Turkish prosecutor wants a five-year jail term for internationally recognised Kurdish politician Leyla Zana, accused of praising a jailed Kurdish rebel leader, a news agency reported yesterday. Zana has already spent a decade in jail for collaborating with Abdullah Ocalan’s rebels. The new charges against her come as she is reportedly preparing to run in July 22 elections in a bid to return to the Turkish parliament, where she became the first Kurdish woman deputy in 1991.

The charges stem from a speech the 46-year-old politician made on March 21 at a Kurdish festival in Diyarbakir, the largest city of the Kurdish-majority southeast, Anatolia agency said. She allegedly named Ocalan, head of the banned Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), as one of the Kurds’ national leaders, along with Iraqi President Jalal Talabani and Massud Barzani, president of the autonomous Kurdish administration in northern Iraq.

“I am grateful to those three leaders... They all have a place in the hearts and minds of the Kurds,” she was quoted as saying in the indictment, according to Anatolia. The prosecutor argued that Zana’s reference to Ocalan amounted to spreading propaganda in favour of the PKK, which is listed as a terrorist group by Ankara and much of the international community. It was not immediately clear when the trial would start.

Zana, the 1995 laureate of the European Parliament’s Sakharov human rights award, and several other Kurds entered parliament in 1991, but lost their seats three years later after their party was banned for having links to the PKK. Zana and three fellow former deputies spent 10 years behind bars for collaborating with the rebels. They were released in June 2004. The PKK has waged a bloody campaign for Kurdish self-rule in the southeast since 1984. The conflict has claimed more than 37,000 lives. Ocalan was captured in Kenya in 1999. He is serving a life sentence for treason and separatism in the northwestern island of Imrali.

2. - AP - "Turkish prosecutor asks Kurdish party to end membership of former lawmakers, others":

ANKARA / 17 May 2007

A prosecutor's office on Thursday ordered a Kurdish political party to end the membership of lawmakers imprisoned for ties to separatist Kurdish guerrillas, and several others, ahead of elections in July.

The Democratic Society Party is seeking to circumvent a rule that parties must gain a minimum of 10 percent of votes before they can enter parliament by fielding independent candidates who would then regroup as a party after winning seats. The party won 6.22 percent of the votes in the previous elections in 2002.

The prosecutor's office of the country's Appeals Court ordered the party to end the membership of 116 people, including prominent politician Leyla Zana, for having criminal records, or risk being shut down. It also said that they cannot assume other positions in the party's structure.

A day earlier, a separate prosecutor asked a court to sentence Zana to five years in prison for speaking respectfully of the imprisoned Kurdish rebel leader Abdullah Ocalan.

Zana and three other former lawmakers have spent 10 years in prison for links to separatist Kurdish guerrillas. They were ejected from Parliament in 1994 at the zenith of an insurgency by Kurdish separatists.

The return of Kurdish lawmakers to Parliament could stir fresh tensions with nationalists who view them as a threat to the Turkish state.

It was not clear if Zana or her friends would be able to run for Parliament again. The prosecutor's office on Thursday said the country's electorate board would have the final say on the issue.

Also on Thursday, President Ahmet Necdet Sezer approved a decision by Parliament that makes it harder for the Kurdish party to organize politically.

Parliament amended the electoral law earlier this month and scrapped the right of independent candidates to have separate ballot papers from those used to choose candidates running for elections under party lists.

Previously, the independent candidates could stand outside polling stations and hand over ballot papers with their names already inscribed to voters, giving them a slight advantage over the political parties' candidates.

Literacy is low and some people don't speak Turkish in the relatively poor, Kurdish-dominated southeast. Voters in the past had found it easier to pop an independent candidate's ballot paper into the envelope than to select a candidate from a long, complicated ballot paper listing all of the parties.

Still, the party says it hopes to win around 30 seats if independent candidates are elected to the Parliament.

Kurdish politicians elected to the Parliament would have a higher political profile to push for cultural, social and economic rights for the country's Kurds, who are not recognized as an official minority.

Kurdish parties in Turkey are often accused of ties to the separatist Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, which has recently escalated hit-and-run attacks from bases in northern Iraq and inside Turkey.

DEHAP, the predecessor of today's Kurdish party dissolved itself in 2005 as prosecutors tried to close it on charges of being a focal point for separatist activities and having ties to Kurdish guerrillas. The constitutional court has closed down four previous pro-Kurdish parties, including DEHAP's predecessor, in 2003.

The conflict between autonomy-seeking Kurdish guerrillas and the government has claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people since the guerrillas took up arms in 1984.

Under EU pressure, Turkey recently granted Kurds limited rights for broadcasts and education in the Kurdish language, but critics say the measures do not go far enough.

3. - BBC - "Court quashes Kurd attack verdict":

16 May 2007

Turkey's top appeals court has overturned jail terms imposed on two paramilitary officers over a 2005 bomb attack on a former Kurdish guerrilla.

Last July, Ali Kaya and Ozcan Ildeniz were sentenced by a civilian court to nearly 40 years in jail for the attack in Semdinli that killed one man.

But the appeals court overturned the ruling, saying the trial was flawed.

The case is being seen as a key test of whether Turkey can act independently against the powerful security services.

The attack in Semdinli set off days of rioting in the predominantly Kurdish south-east.

Military tribunal

The appeals court in Ankara quashed the verdict on grounds of procedural flaws and an inadequate investigation.

It also said that a military court should hear the case, because the charges related to the army's struggle against the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).

It was not immediately clear when the new hearing would begin.

Ali Kaya and Ozcan Ildeniz were each sentenced to 39 years and five months by the civilian court in the town of Van for the November 2005 grenade attack on a bookstore that killed one man and injured another.

The bookstore was owned by a former PKK militant suspected of still helping the banned party.

At the time of the attack, the two convicted men were chased and nearly lynched by furious bystanders.

The discovery of weapons and a list of names in their car prompted allegations that they were an undercover execution squad.

The attack triggered days rioting in the region that left four people dead.

More than 30,000 people have been killed in the fighting between PKK guerrillas and Turkish troops, which has been going on for more than two decades.

4. - Today's Zaman - "DTP eyes securing up to 53 seats in Parliament":

16 May 2007

The Democratic Society Party (DTP), with a strong support base in the country's Kurdish population, has prepared a report assessing the party's strengths and weaknesses, forming a strategy for the coming general elections.

The 142-page report prepared by DTP Deputy Chairman Osman Özçelik is based on the assumption that "there will not be a positive or negative surprising change" in the votes cast for the party or that its predecessors got in general and local elections. After elaborating on these results, the report suggests that the party should enter 62 candidates across just 40 constituencies, including some western cities like Bursa, Kocaeli and Izmir. "Apart from these 40 constituencies there should be no candidates and all cadres, members and sympathizers should be directed to these areas immediately. Although in some of the these constituencies the votes gathered in the previous elections are not enough to win parliamentary seats, since concerns related to the elections threshold n longer exists, it is realistic to expect that in these areas there will be an increase in voting," the report claimed -- referring to the DTP's decision for its candidates to enter the elections as independents.

This decision was based on the party's former experience in failing to pass the 10 percent threshold for parliamentary representation, despite the its success in garnering a high number of votes in certain cities with predominantly Kurdish populations.

The DTP’s hope

The recent amendment to the election law, whereby the names of independent candidates will now be on the same ballot paper as all those from the established parties, was also elaborated upon in the report. Previously independent candidates' names appeared on separate voting slips. DTP Chairman Ahmet Türk claimed at a press conference last week that these amendments aimed to harm the DTP. However the report suggests that with good planning these changes may become a positive element.

The report notes that invalid votes for their party are very high and that participation in elections is low in the areas where the party is strong. However because of the amendments to the law, there were likely to be fewer problems with ballot papers, while the computerizing of the electoral role will also benefit the party.

The reasons for previous failures are categorized under the headings of election fraud, psychological factors, economic shortcomings, prevention, propaganda against the party and lack of effective organization. The report examines the situation and the possibilities of the suggested 40 constituencies one by one. For example, for Adana the report says that if the threshold has been passed by three parties -- the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Democrat Party (DP) -- then DTP votes will still be good enough to give two independent candidates seats in Parliament. For Istanbul, especially in certain neighborhoods such as Küçükçekmece and Bagcilar, the DTP hopes for at least two wins. The report estimates a best result of four seats and a worst of three in Istanbul. DTP stronghold Diyarbakir, where in the 2002 elections 56.1 percent of the city voted for DTP predecessor the Democratic People's Party (DEHAP), will send five DTP deputies to Parliament.

The report also suggests at worst among these 40 constituencies, cities like Ankara, Antalya, Bursa, Hatay, Kirsehir, Malatya, Mugla and Kahramanmaras the vote will not be strong enough to put through the DTP candidates but that the party should still put forward candidates in these cities. As a final analysis the report suggest that the DTP should nominate 62 candidates across 40 constituencies, with the worst case scenario being 37 seats in Parliament, the best 53 and the average -- but still positive -- 50.

5. - Bianet - "European Reaction to Military Interference":

European politicians have reacted to the memorandum published on the website of the Armed Forces' General Staff on 27 April. They express worries about the effects on relations between Turkey and the EU.

17 May 2007

European politicians have reacted to the statement published on the website of the Armed Forces' General Staff on 27 April.

Among the writers are MEPs Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Joost Lagendijk, Cem Özdemir, and Andrew Duff, academic Timothy Garten Ash, Joschka Fischer, Hans Vandenbrock and Ana Palacio. The letter was published in the International Herald Tribune today.

The undersigned expressed their disappointment in the involvement of the army and said that the threat to laicism was exaggerated.

Saddened by Intervention

After expressing their views on democracy and laicism in Turkey, the government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the role of the armed forces, the writers suggested that the army's intervention could damage the process made in Turkey and relations with the EU. They said they were "greatly saddened by this intervention".

As far as the EU accession process is concerned, they made following comments:

"When it was announced in 2004 that a series of reforms had led to the fulfillment of the Copenhagen Criteria, it was decided to start negotiations. On of these criteria is respect for human rights and fundamental freedom. Another criterion is a functioning democracy, which includes civil control of the army. The intervention of the armed forces on 27 April has led to doubts on whether Turkey is taking these criteria seriously.

The undersigned also said that they found the General Staff's justification of "a threat to laicism" exaggerated, adding that a series of reforms, from women's rights to education, offer a legal base for protecting laicism.

The politicians added that "the preferences of the Turkish people" would emerge in civil society and political processes. In a democracy, demonstrations, application to the legal system and political campaigns were acceptable means.

The writers ended the letter by sympathizing with the worry that government was in the hands of one party. "This however should not be used as an excuse for the army to limit democracy.

6. - Bianet - "The Turkish Parliament Restricts the Web":

"The Law on Internet Use" is crticized for its restrictive approach towards internet communication. "It aims at wider control of publications on the Internet through censorship and written commands" say critics who expect it overturned by the President.

ISTANBUL / 16 May 2007 / by Fikret Ilkiz

Law No 5651, which is concerned with "the preparation of Internet publications and crimes connected with these publications", was passed by parliament on 4 May 2007. Should the president not veto it, it will be implemented.

The official justification of the law is that it aims at protecting families and children from Internet abuse, namely encouragement of drug use, gambling or suicide, sexual exploitation, etc. It is also claimed that the rapid development of technology has meant that present laws are not comprehensive enough to deal with all possible crimes.

Unsuccessful patching

Up until now there has been no law on crimes relating to Internet publications. However, because the "law" has been conceived in order to deal with threats to family life and children, it does not consider the Internet environment carefully enough. This means that it does not address the issue of publication responsibility and definitions clearly. The law thus resembles unsuccessful patchwork. In the definition of the 14-article law, there is no clarity as to what "crimes" are supposed to be addressed by this law, and which by other laws.

Blocking access

The law stipulates that reasonable suspicion of a crime being committed will lead to blocked access, and it is here that there is a problem. The decision to block access will be made by a judge during the investigation, and by a court during prosecution. In urgent cases, a public prosecutor can also decide to block access for 24 hours, pending approval by a judge. In addition, the Ministry for Telecommunication has been assigned the responsibility for controlling Internet content;in some cases it is also entitled to block access. If it is able to identify the publishers, the Ministry files a complaint with the Republican Prosecutor. Furthermore, the Ministry is entitled to penalise Internet providers who do not block access to a website, initially with a fine, but after non-compliance with closure of the provider.

It is to be expected that critics of the law and proponents of freedom of publication on the Internet will face accusations of not wanting to protect children against prostitution and sexual exploitation.

7. - RFE/RL - "Iraq: Kurdish Region Under Increasing Threat":

16 May 2007 / by Kathleen Ridolfo

Two high-profile bomb attacks targeting Kurdish institutions this month have drawn attention to security in the region, which had escaped much of the violence plaguing other areas in Iraq. But threats against the Kurds from Al-Qaeda and other insurgent groups have been growing.

The Kurdistan region government's (KRG) Interior Ministry was attacked by a truck bomb on May 9, killing 14 people and wounding more than 80. Insurgents then targeted the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) office in Makhmur on May 13, killing 33 people and wounding 60 others. Makhmur is a Kurdish-populated town lying just outside the Kurdistan region.

Al-Qaeda Warns The Kurds

The Islamic State of Iraq claimed responsibility for both attacks in Internet postings. In a statement on the May 9 attack, the Al-Qaeda-affiliated group said the attack came "in response to the participation of the apostate peshmerga forces with the Safawi [a reference to the Shi'ite-led government in Iraq] government of [Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri] al-Maliki in the so-called 'Baghdad law enforcement plan.'"

Addressing Kurdistan region President Mas'ud Barzani and Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, the group promised more attacks, adding, "We will not stop attacking you until you withdraw your mercenaries from the Baghdad province and cease to support the Crusaders [U.S.-led coalition forces] and the Safawis."

The Islamic State of Iraq first warned Kurdish soldiers against taking part in the Baghdad security plan in January. "We tell you that the martyrs brigades of the Islamic State of Iraq, particularly the Ansar martyrs [a reference to the terrorist group Ansar Al-Islam, whose bases in Kurdistan were crushed by a U.S. bombing campaign in the opening days of the war] cannot wait to confront you as to speed your arrival in hell," an Internet statement said.

The Kata'ib Kurdistan (Kurdistan Brigades), a group that pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda in March, also claimed responsibility for the attack in a statement posted to the Ansar Al-Islam website, the news website Kurdish Aspect reported on May 10. The brigades are reportedly part of Ansar Al-Islam, which is aligned with Al-Qaeda.

The Iranian Connection

According to Kurdish Aspect, a source from within the Kurdish peshmerga said that Ansar Al-Islam and the Ansar Al-Sunnah Army are reorganizing their ranks and deploying their forces along the Iran-Iraq border. Kurdish leaders have also attributed recent attacks against Kurdish forces in the town of Penjwin to Ansar Al-Islam, saying the group moves freely across the Iran-Iraq border.

Kurdish security sources told local media that the KRG was on alert for a terrorist attack in the days preceding the two incidents, based on intelligence that included detained terrorists' confessions, as well as the discovery of weapons caches.

The offices of Kurdish political parties in the nearby Mosul Governorate have come under increasing attack in recent months, particularly offices belonging to the KDP, which is Kurdistan region President Barzani's party. KDP official Khasro Goran said insurgents were trying to goad the Kurds into a sectarian war, "Al-Zaman" reported on May 1.

Kurdish officials in Irbil undertook new security measures in all three governorates in mid-April following the attacks along the border. One of the measures was the construction of a tunnel and security barricades to segregate Irbil from Kirkuk and Mosul, "Gulf News" reported.

In an apparent response to the Irbil attack, the KRG dispatched 1,000 troops to the Iranian border to help drive out Ansar and Al-Qaeda militants stationed there, according to May 10 media reports. Meanwhile, local residents told newspapers that the militants had threatened non-Muslims. Leaflets circulated in towns inside Al-Sulaymaniyah Governorate said the militants are "hunting down those who have converted" to Zoroastrianism and Christianity.

Getting Out The Message

Observations of websites and forums frequented by insurgents in Iraq and their supporters suggest that indeed, the Islamic State of Iraq and Ansar Al-Islam/Sunnah are attempting to gain a foothold on areas in the north. Apart from their stated claim of seeking retribution against the Kurds, their presence in the north would provide them with a valuable gateway for foreign fighters and supplies through the porous Iran-Iraq border.

While Kurdish military officials have in recent days openly acknowledged insurgent traffic across the border, KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani reportedly raised the issue of insurgents crossing the Iran-Iraq border during his visit to Iran, which included a meeting with Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad. Kurdistan TV reported on May 11 that the KRG and Iran formed a joint committee to address security issues during Barzani's trip, as well as the possible KRG purchase of electricity from Iran.

The resurgence of insurgent activity in Kurdistan can be seen in the plethora of statements appearing on insurgent websites and forums in recent weeks, and Kata'ib Kurdistan has issued at least one video documenting its attacks.

Moreover, Kurdish-language statements have appeared on forum websites with increasing frequency, suggesting insurgents may be trying to recruit Kurdish fighters to join their cause.

Just The Beginning?

The frequency of attacks against Kurdish targets both in the Kurdish region and neighboring governorates to the south suggest that Kurds will remain under fire for some time to come. The potential consequences of an Al-Qaeda/Ansar campaign would be devastating to the region's economy, stability and governance.

It could prompt Turkey to carry out plans for a large-scale incursion into Iraqi Kurdistan to hunt down PKK militants based there. Or worse yet, Turkey might take steps to secure Turkoman control over Kirkuk, a move that would evoke a violent reaction from Iraqi Kurds.

Moreover, any instability may prompt the Kurds to rethink their hospitality to thousands of Iraqi Arabs, both Sunnis and Shi'a, who have sought refuge in recent months from conflict areas farther south. According to the Iraqi Red Crescent, more than 5,000 Iraqi families, or 30,000 people, have registered as refugees in the city of Irbil over the past two years, "The Christian Science Monitor" reported on April 17.

Should the KRG decide to no longer host its Arab brethren, the displaced will be hard-pressed to find refuge. Newspaper editorials suggest growing public pressure on the KRG to do just that.

8. - Kurdishaspect - "Killing in the name of honour: patriarchal community, power and politics in Kurdistan":

17 May 2007 / by Dr. Choman Hardi

The devices of patriarchy

Honour Killing is a tribal practice which has its roots in patriarchy. Some anthropologists believe that the patriarchal system started with the agrarian era. When men, in order to survive, had to make a piece of land their own and plant it, women too became one of the things they claimed ownership over. Later, through the creation of norms and rules they managed to control women’s body, freedom and volitions. In patriarchal societies it is men who decide on the values and norms which need to be observed by everyone. They decide on what is right and wrong and whether or not an action deserves punishment. These norms are usually to the advantage of men. In the tribal Kurdish society, for example, common practices such as ‘exchange of brides’, forced marriage, dowry, polygamy and ‘exchanging a young one for an old one’ benefit men and treat women as commodity.

Traditionally, many laws have been used to further men’s interest and limit women’s freedom. For example, the Honour Killing law, which was practiced in Kurdistan till 2001 and is still being practiced in Iraq and other countries, increases men’s power and is used to control women. According to this law men who kill female relatives to preserve the honour of the family or tribe are given a reduced sentence. Over the years many men have taken advantage of this law to kill women. More recently, in the current Iraqi constitution women cannot travel without obtaining permission from a male member of their families. Polygamy continues to be legally accepted and socially sanctioned in Iraq. Although in Kurdistan polygamy has become legally restricted (only if the first wife agrees, if she cannot have children or if she is ill) it goes on being practiced. Most women do not dare to file a complaint against their husbands either because they are financially dependent on them or they fear them.

Religion is another tool which is the product of patriarchy. In order to control women and the world around them men not only used their own interpretations and law making abilities but they also resorted to a just God who is the ultimate creator. Obviously, it is easier for women to be sceptical of laws created by men but once they believe that a law has been imposed from above, by the single and all knowing God, it is more difficult to ask questions and doubt. Probably an example that shows how religions further men’s interest is the story of creation which has entered our culture through the monotheist religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam). God created Adam first and when he got bored and lonely God created Eve for his sake and from his left rib (according to Al-Bukhari). In other words if Adam is the original example of a human being Eve is only a copy of this being who was created for his sake. This story portrays women as beings responsible for making men happy. Later, when Adam and Eve were in Eden, it was Eve who plucked the forbidden fruit and gave it to Adam and they ate it together. Eve is guilty of disobedience and of seducing Adam to eat the forbidden fruit as a result of which they are evicted from Eden. This is probably one of man’s most basic efforts to portray women as secondary beings (created after Adam and for his sake), guilty beings (who break the law and pluck the forbidden fruit), and seductive beings (she manages to convince Adam to eat the apple). From then on men have tried to limit the freedom and power of this seductive and guilty being. According to Islamic law two women witnesses are equal to one witness in court, a woman is entitled to half a share of her father’s wealth compared to her brothers and women are expected to accept sharing their husbands with up to three other women. These laws not only limit women’s freedom, opportunity and wealth but they also have the social consequence of making women seem untrustworthy and less worthy than men.

Increased violence against women in Kurdistan

According to statistics and research carried out by women’s organisations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Honour Killing has increased since 1991. This is not surprising considering the social, political and economic situation of the region throughout these years. Throughout the 1980s and during Iraq’s war with Iran the Iraqi government took advantage of the Kurdish men who did not want to go the battlefields and deserted the army. The regime armed the tribal chieftains (that did not play a major role in the Kurdish society anymore) and took advantage of them as commanders of National Defence Battalions (commonly known as jash). They led armed tribal men and became rich and powerful. The armed tribes acted as mercenaries for the government and were used against the peshmarga forces (Kurdish guerrilla fighters) and the civilian Kurdish population. In this way the government succeeded in reviving tribalism in the Kurdish community.

Kurdistan’s 1991 popular uprising was in some ways only possible through the support of jash forces. The Kurdish parties (who were based in Iran since the Anfal campaign in 1988) made contact with the jash leaders and sought their support for the uprising. In return they promised them an amnesty for their cooperation with the Baath government and for taking part in the genocide campaign of 1988. The jash took part in the uprising and were officially pardoned and granted immunity by the Kurdish parliament in 1992. From this day on the jash leaders became allies of the Kurdish parties and entered Kurdish politics. Each tribe aligned themselves with one party and in this way secured political support and protection. In the early 1990s when the Iraqi government imposed sanctions on the Kurdish region alongside the UN sanctions on Iraq, the economic situation of the region deteriorated rapidly. This historical period came after the destruction of the rural economy (more than 4,000 Kurdish villages were destroyed by 1988) and the killing of most males farmers (about 100,000 villagers were killed during the Anfal campaign). These factors contributed to the onset of abject poverty for the people in the region.

On the other hand, decades of political violence by the Iraqi state had its echoes in the community. On top of extensive use of chemical attacks, destroying villages and killing its civilians, the Iraqi government through the use of imprisonment, torture, widespread surveillance and public executions in the main cities had made political violence part of everyday life. Throughout the Iran-Iraq war the Iraqi TV stations broadcast a programme called, Swar min Al-Maaraka (Images from the battlefield) which proudly showed images of the broken and mutilated bodies of Iranian soldiers as a symbol of bravery and success. In this sense cruelty in Iraq was normalised and the society was brutalised. Similarly in the 1991 popular uprising, the Kurds showed no mercy when killing members of the Iraqi security and intelligence offices. These people were not only killed but parts of their bodies, such as ears, fingers and penises, were cut and they were exhibited on the streets and in the main squares for days. This should have been a warning signal to tell us that the new community which was just beginning was going to be as brutal and merciless as the one it was replacing.

In the 1990s the Kurdish parties that had no experience of democratic co-existence started competing for resources and territory. Each of them wanted to attract more members. This may be the reason why they did not want to upset the large tribes. In these years the powerful armed tribes had a free rein without a united government that could control them. If one party challenged them the other would happily take them in. This is why none of the political parties tried to impose limits on their authority. Obviously in a brutalised society, which has regressed back to tribalism, where there are many armed men and no accountable government women are one of the main groups that are victimised. Later, civil war and terrorism further destabilised the region and contributed to the continuation of the circle of violence. Important concerns such as women’s issues and helping the Anfal survivors took a back seat in the minds of Kurdish politicians.

We know that two World Wars in Europe and the killing of many men meant that increasing numbers of women contributed to the work force. In the long run this helped women secure more rights. While in Kurdistan despite the fact that women took advantage of the post-uprisings freedom and became active in many fields the results have not been as good as expected. It is true that the majority of the women’s organisations were initially politically orientated and because of this they could not work together or criticise the government of their own party but in the last years cooperation has taken place and there are independent women’s organisations and individuals who have done a lot of good work. I believe the main reason why the achievements have not been according to expectation is the political and social upheaval in the region during this period. If we compare the situation in Kurdistan after the first gulf war to the situation of Europe after the World Wars we will see that in most European countries the security situation was soon brought under control, peace was restored, the government was in charge and law was enforced. In this sense people were able to get on with their work and take part in the reconstruction and development of their communities. On the contrary in Kurdistan war and turmoil carried on, the tribes were always more powerful than women’s organisations and there was no united Kurdish government that women could rely on (even to change the Honour Killing law women had to convince both the PUK and the KDP governments). Throughout these years law was not enforced to defend women and the Kurdish politicians had other priorities.

The mechanisms that contribute to the continuation of violence against women

There are many dimensions to this and here I will try to mention the main ones:

First: Although the law regarding Honour Killing was changed, the new law is not unanimously practiced. Generally speaking only men who do not have strong tribal and political backing are investigated and imprisoned. Unless men know that killing women is a taxing and punishable offence they would not stop repeating this crime. The law must be imposed without exceptions and everyone must realise that they cannot get away with this easily.

Second: Changing two laws regarding honour crimes and polygamy is not enough to solve women’s problems in Kurdistan. The government must have a comprehensive plan to defend and support abused and threatened women. Do’a for example is reportedly taken to the KDP office in Bashiqa and after one hour she is given back to her community because a spokesman told Hawlati: ‘We thought the problem was not too big and they can solve it themselves.’ In other words the government still believes in tribal resolution for such conflicts which experience tells us ends with women being murdered. In this system threatened women rely on the few shelters run by women’s organisations which are prison-like and unsafe. Kurdistan Regional Government must provide secure shelters, financial support, safe housing and the right of protection to women who are threatened. So far the government has no plan for women who have escaped death and end up in women’s shelters. How long will these women stay in these shelters? What will happen to them if they leave? How will they start a new life? Who will protect them?

Third: The common norms and culture of the society victimise women. From childhood girls’ bodies are associated with shame and honour. Little girls are continuously told to sit properly and cover their legs. They are taught to clean after their fathers and brothers. Little boys are taught that females should be at their service. Lack of public awareness and disregarding equality play an important role in this process. A dreadful aspect of Doa’s killing is the presence of so many witnesses and bystanders who do nothing to protect her or at least to object to this brutality. This is an example of lack of public consciousness and disrespect for life and death. If a society reaches a stage where violence, brutality and murder are considered wrong and abnormal it would be very difficult to imagine how a girl like Do’a can be smothered for 30 minutes by so many men without anyone protesting.

Fourth: An education system that is not committed to equality. Children are not taught to accept difference and respect people’s freedom and space. Boys are not taught to treat girls as equals. Unless democracy, autonomy and equality are embodies in the education system the children will not be different from today’s adults.

Working on domestic violence and Honour Killing requires the government to work in all the mentioned directions. A holistic approach is necessary to solve these problems. Despite what people think in Kurdistan this is not in the scope of women’s organisations. The government should listen to women’s organisations and pay attention to their achievements and learn from them. These organisations work in the community and are aware of the obstacles to progress and the complexity of the problems. They need government support to succeed in their work. It is the government that by changing sexist laws, practicing the laws without exception, creating a comprehensive programme of support for threatened women, raising public awareness and changing the education system can achieve change.